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Political System of the Modern Russia and CPRF

Political System of the Modern Russia and CPRF
Alexey Nezhivoy 01.11.2007

The basic feature of development of political system in Russia is a process of mass political marginalization. As it's known, the process of marginalization means two interconnected processes: - gradual replacement or violent emission out the limits of legality and break of all traditional communications and creation of own, different from official world. We observe this process in all its rather doubtful beauty, there is a process of monopolization of policy which is carried out on the basis of the state bureaucracy which is the core of the party "Edinaya Russia", all other participants of the process could be treated as political outcasts. Changes of legislative base aside proportional elective process as well as aside sharp toughening of criteria necessary for participation in political process at any level from federal up to municipal first of all serve to it, in this case public organizations, independent political organizations of a level lower than federal, separate politicians not suiting the format of federal parties are backed off from participation in political process.

 

The state bureaucracy by change of legislative base and using its political monopoly deprives political process of its basic property, namely an opportunity of converting of public or financial weight into opportunity to render influence on state policy, depriving parties not supported by the state of practically all sources of financing and dooming them to impossibility of participation in political process at a federal level and consequently on the same marginality. On a background of this process the project of the second progovernmental party - «Fair Russia» which on the one hand was completely loyal to the ruling top of the country, on the other hand had its obvious support, developed rather dynamically. However, the process of marginalization didn't bypass even such party as «Fair Russia» which gathered in its numbers dissatisfied from other parties and first of all the same officials who didn't find a place in «Edinaya Russia».

 

The recent presidential choice unequivocally showed that there will be no two-party system even consisting of the prostate bureaucrats. The choice finally showed that a mode ruling in Russia, it is possible to call so the authority in Russia, refused a principle of competition and competitiveness in political system and finally took the course on monopolism which meant that very soon the population to the full would have to experience all charm of absence of political choice. At present we observe the beginning of the second component of the process of marginalization, namely the process of creation by the outcasts displaced from lawful policy of own political world opposed to the world of official policy, the evidence to it could be seen in the set of round tables, advisory meetings, the project "Other Russia".

 

From the listed above the basic weak places of the political system being formed in Russia result: firstly, it's monopolization of authority, as you know any monopoly brings a huge negative connected with absence of choice and interfering social development, not for nothing in the sphere of economy antimonopoly law has been created; secondly - absence of choice leads in a compartment with monopoly to fast loss of legitimacy in society; thirdly: the process of mass political marginalization already now led to that the world being formed by political marginals is bigger and richer than an official one and the problems of political survival will force its subjects to be consolidated around the general political program - destruction of the existing political system; fourthly - the authority itself has put the matter in such a manner that peaceful co-existence of both worlds is practically impossible and the outcome of a struggle will be mutually exclusive. At that as a result of inevitable loss of public legitimacy to remain in power the ruling mode will carry out constant drift aside reprisals and dictatorship.

 

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the only object in the final political system. Uniqueness of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is that this party is not supported by authority. However, authority is not capable to marginalize it up to the end as the Communist Party of the Russian Federation possesses the greater electoral weight at a federal level which under no circumstances will be loyal to existing authority. Moreover uniqueness of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation consists in the fact that political interest of its top - is to remain in existing political system and to use its benefits - is definitely opposite to the political interest of its shopfloor active and electorate which votes for it. Political interest of an active is being dictated by communistic ideology, meanwhile of electorate is the protest against existing mode and authority. In these conditions the management of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation gets especial value for authority as it is the guarantor of stability in society, supervising a great bulk of protest electorate, the protest which being conformed with the basic political interest it extinguishes or lets out by real object on which this process is directed - to official authority. Functions of a management of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation are dictated by its political interest - it's monopolization of the left protest flank aiming to receive the maximal electoral result allowing to become let even formal subjects but of official political process; constant producing of social protest demagogy allowing on the one hand to look the leaders of the public protest, on the other hand to do this protest safe for official authority; emulation of protest actions again in the safe forms for official authority. Stability of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is being provided by communistic ideology - motivating an active; monopoly position on the left flank, forcing protest left electorate from reasons of political expediency to vote for unique alternative of authority ruling in the country - however, all this is really used by its management only for getting into the parliament and maintenance of its staying in system of official policy.

 

All listed above allows to approve that despite of declarative applications of authority that at last Russia has entered the period of stabilization, practically no element of the developed system looks stable. Even the basic pillar - "Edinaya Russia" is a rather mixed campaign of representatives of various backward official clans more inclined to backward and clan separatism, than to forming of uniform support of the state. Corrupted imperious elite cannot give anything positive to people, besides it has created to itself deadly enemy consisting of its own representatives removed from opportunity of participation in division of imperious pie. Similar process is observed also on the left flank, a pillar of declarative Russian stability number two is being torn apart by not smaller contradictions. It's also not in condition to give anything positive to people, besides it has ceased long time ago to answer to political aspirations of its active. At the analyses of the situation is clearly seen that it's possible to influence stability of the power system in Russia by two methods:

 

1. Influencing a pillar number one - "Edinaya Russia" which basis of resource of hardness is made by corruption resource - high prices for oil and an opportunity to participate in sharing of the state pie;

2. Influencing a pillar number two - the Communist Party of the Russian Federation which basis of hardness are hopes of protesting left electorate which haven't died away up to the end and fear of an active to leave unique let it be even formally oppositional to authority corporation.

 

Potentially the whole society is directed against "Edinaya Russia" and to remain at the top of authority it is compelled to narrow more a field of official policy and to resort to repressive measures and we observe it. These actions will lead to growth of anti-official political world and to its greater radicalization and at the moment when the critical weight of the protest will be reached or the oil-and-gas resource will impoverished or official corporation torn apart by contradictions will begin inner strife - a pillar number one will ruin and the whole created system will ruin together with it. Forecasting of the moment of the approach of the given event becomes complicated by presence of a great number of unknown and it can come within one year (after presidential elections) or several tens years (that is, however, poorly possible). Leaving of a protest active and electorate from under Zyuganov's clan will not lead to simultaneous falling of a system, however, it will strongly accelerate this process as it will strongly strengthen and radicalize informal policy all participants of which at the first stage will be united by political program of destruction of official authority system. At that it is not obligatory to destroy for this purpose the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, it is enough both simply to replace Zyuganov's clan at the top of a party, or to create parallel supervising-coordinating structure inside the Communist Party of the Russian Federation which will generate and coordinate protest activity of an active and supporters and to coordinate this activity with the protest of other left and not left.

 

Creation of such structure has ripened already long time ago as constantly there are separate groups inside the Communist Party of the Russian Federation which aspire to the real protest and Zyuganov's management constantly cleans them off from official numbers of a party using more and more idiotic formulations, besides already the whole regions of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation find themselves in federal structure only formally not recognizing authority of a supervising clan. The last process is brightly illustrated by present elective campaign in the State Duma when at the central congress spite to regional heads the lists were composed without any coordination with them (and whether any coordination could be in the given situation) and were composed from people personally betraid to a supervising clan. This all shows that the process of degradation of supervising corporation in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has reached such a level that it's high time to get the management simply from the ground and in case this management will correspond to political aspirations of the active and supporters, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation from a backbone of the ruling authority would turn into its grave-digger.
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